1. This essay is based on a lecture presented at Florida International University in 1991-1992, when the author held the Davidson Eminent Scholars Chair in the Humanities. It was published as a pamphlet along with "La falsificación de la historia en Cuba," another lecture in the series. It was translated by Manuel A. Tellechea.

2. The confusion surrounding Martí that has resulted from the falsification of his life and teachings in Cuba can be seen in a report issued by the Department of Martí Studies ("Cátedra José Martí") at Havana University, which concludes: "The knowledge which young people have about José Martí is very poor, superficial, and at times schematic, as happens with their knowledge of Cuban history in general . . . . We have heard elementary school teachers misrepresent as Martí's texts that were not his . . . . In higher education, except in such faculties as Philosophy, History, and Arts and Letters, the dissemination of Martí's thought is all but nonexistent . . . . Many of the young know Martí as the Intellectual Author of Moncada, but they cannot place him in the correct historical period, and do not understand his relation to the principal figures of our revolutionary process, as was shown in an answer commonly given on surveys: 'Fidel Castro freed Martí from prison [el Presidio Modelo].'" The report went on to cite numerous examples of the misconceptions and absurd notions that the survey revealed, though, of course, it did not identify the source of this confusion -the systematic and relentless falsification of Martí by the authorities. Instead, the report blamed the youth of Cuba for "their lack of logical thinking" (Patria: Cuaderno de la Cátedra Martiana 1, no. 1 [1988): 27-28).

3. Juan Marinello, "Martí y Lenin," Repertorio Americano 30 (January 26, 1935): 58-59.

4. Antonio Martínez Bello, Ideas sociales y económicas de José Martí (Havana: La Veronica, 1940), 217-18.

5. None of the works cited here was included in Juan Marinello's Obras Martianas (Caracas, 1987), where they should have appeared, especially in the chapter "El pensamiento de Martí y nuestra revolución socialista." In the detailed prologue that Ramon Losada Aldana wrote for this Biblioteca Ayacucho edition, he tiptoes around these writings, using the same excuses offered by Salvador Morales in Ideología y luchas revolucionarias de José Martí (Havana: Editorial de Ciencias Sociales, 1984). Morales explains that what Marinello wrote about Martí before 1941 is attributable to "the petitbourgeois climate of the times and the immaturity in Marxist ranks . . . . Marinello's judgments did not represent as yet a concrete and essential analysis because of the deficiencies of Cuban historiography . . . . It is significant that when Marinello collected in one volume his Ensayos Martianos (1961), he included only what was written after 1941. A thoughtful man, he chose what he believed was most vigorous, in all the aspects which a Marxist might consider (Morales, Ideologia, 512-13, 520).

6. José Martí, Obras Completas (Havana: Editorial Nacional de Cuba, 1963-1973), 1:18-19.

7. It has long been common practice in Cuba to stray from Martí's path through reprehensible conduct, but it has never been acceptable to acknowledge that fact with words. The first lesson Castro taught Cuban Communists was to lie about Martí whenever it suited their purposes, because the end justifies the means.

Articles establishing the spurious link between Martí and Castro appear with great frequency in the most unexpected places. In Cuba Martí is no longer "the apostle," "the mystic of duty," "the saint of the Americas," and other such epithets (the elimination of which is not altogether inappropriate). Now the preferred title for Martí is "the intellectual author of the Moncada attack." It is repeatedly asserted that recognition of Martí's status as a revolutionary was the result of Mella's Glosando los pensamientos de José Martí (1927) and Fidel Castro's 1953 speech, "La historia me absolverá." The prescribed boundaries for studying Martí are laid, among other sources, in the Informes, Tesis y Resoluciones del Primer Congreso del Partido Comunista Cubano (1975) and in the party's Estatutos (1980); and in some of the speeches of Fidel Castro (such as the speech of October 10, 1968) as well as in the speeches of some of his cohorts.

8. In Cuba, Baliño is falsely portrayed as a committed Marxist at the time he met Martí in Tampa, in 1891. The facts, however, point to an individual who was sympathetic toward anarchism, though somewhat confused and contradictory. A brief review of his activities from 1882, when he was in Key West, to the start of the War of Independence in 1895, will bear this out (see Gaspar García Gallo, Aleida Plasencia, et al., Baliño: apuntes históricos de sus actividades revolucionarias (Havana: Imprenta C.T.C., 1967). In 1886, Baliño belonged to a Masonic lodge called Los Caballeros de la Luz and was entrusted with organizing two lodges in Tampa: Porvenir número 7 and Unión y Fraternidad. That same year, he enlisted in the Knights of Labor, a reform movement within the existing social order that sought to mediate between capitalists and workers. In 1889, Baliño founded in Key West the newspaper La Tribuna del Trabajo, which earned the enthusiastic applause of Enrique Roig, the most prestigious Cuban anarchist (unjustly forgotten today by Marxist-Leninist historians and critics) who referred to Baliño in his own newspaper El Productor (Havana, 1887-1890) as a "dear comrade," and proclaimed: "Los trabajadores no deben ocuparse de otra cosa que de sí propios, sin preocuparles poco ni mucho la república o la monarquía, la democracia o el absolutismo" ("Without any type of concern for the republic or the monarchy, nor for democracy or absolutism, workers should not devote themselves to any other cause but their own," El Productor, Oct. 25, 1888, cited in José Cantón Navarro, Algunas ideas de José Martí en relación con la clase obrera y el socialismo (Havana: Dirección Política de las FAR, 1970], 106).

In 1890 Baliño helped to found in Tampa the Liga Patriótica, dedicated to the bourgeois democratic ideals of the Ten Years' War (1868-1878) and the Little War (1880). In 1890 he presided over the Francisco Vicente Aguilera Revolutionary Club, named after the wealthy landowner from Bayamo who had been vice-president of the Republic-in-Arms and died in exile in New York in 1877. In 1893, Baliño founded the Enrique Roig Club, named for the Cuban anarchist, and was also vice-president of the Diez de Abril club, named after the date of the 1869 Guáimaro constitution. The following year, Baliño served on the directorate of the Ramón Pintó Club, named after the wealthy Catalonian separatist executed in Havana for conspiring against Spain, and also founded the Fermín Salvoechea Club, which honored the memory of the daring anarchist from Cádiz, and the Leopoldo Turla Club to honor the annexationist poet and eulogist of Narciso López who died in New Orleans in 1877.

Baliño first came to Martí's notice in 1888, when Flor Crombet wrote to introduce him. The letter completes the picture of a restless, versatile revolutionary who never went to war. It is given here in its entirety.

Key West, 27 de abril de 1888. Sr. José Martí. Mi querido amigo: Tengo el placer de presentar a Ud. mi buen amigo Sr. Carlos Baliño, caballero distinguido que hace mucho tiempo viene siendo su admirador. Le incluyo una tarjeta de él, única marca de cariño que hoy puede dar a Ud. Mi presentado comenzará a publicar un periódico de señoras el mes entrante con el nombre de "El Hogar" y desea ardientemente que Ud. le honre con su colaboración. El primer número saldrá el doce de mayo y suplica a Ud. lo favorezca con un trabajito; yo a mi vez también lo deseo, pues sé con cuánto placer leemos todos sus escritos. No diga abusa de su bondad su siempre afmo. amigo.

F. Crombet.

(Key West, April 27, 1888. Señor José Martí: My dear friend, I have the pleasure of introducing to you my good friend Señor Carlos Baliño, a distinguished gentleman who has for quite some time now been your admirer. I enclose a card from him, the only token of esteem which he can offer you at this time. My friend will begin publishing a ladies' journal next month, entitled "El Hogar" [The Home], and he ardently desires the honor of your collaboration. The first issue will appear on May 12 and I beseech you to favor it with a little article: I also ask you for my own sake, because I too enjoy reading your writings very much. I know this is an imposition on your goodness, but do not say so to your always affectionate friend

F. Crombet.)

(Boletín del Archivo Nacional 44-45 [1945-46]: 122). No doubt Baliño intended to imitate a magazine of the same name, edited by the poet José E. Triay and featuring the work of some of Cuba's best-known writers, which had begun publishing in Havana in January 1888.

Despite evidence to the contrary, Baliño is still depicted by Cuban historians as a Marxist at the time he collaborated with Martí. In the most ambitious biography, there is a chapter on the period of his "adherence to Marxism," which it claims "extends from his arrival in the United States as a political exile in 1869 to his return to Cuba in 1902, at the time of the installation of the neocolonial republic." The author continues, "The importance of Baliño lies in the fact that during this period he took Marxist positions. However, the information we have concerning Baliño himself is scant, especially as regards how and when he first came in contact with the theory of Marxism." Yet, the author concludes, "It can be affirmed that during the 1890s, when he associated with Martí in Tampa and Key West, Baliño already considered himself a Marxist and disseminated his ideas in the workers' press" and "was armed with the Marxist ideology" (Carmen Gómez García, Carlos Baliño: primer pensador marxista cubano [Havana: Editorial de Ciencias Sociales, 1985], 81-83, 87).

And Fidel Castro, in what must be the height of historical falsification, has stated that "Carlos Baliño symbolizes the direct connection between the Cuban Revolutionary party of José Martí and the first Communist Party of Cuba" (cited in Evelio Tellería Toca, Carlos B. Baliño López en el periodismo revolucionario cubano [Havana: Editorial Pablo de la Torriente, 1989], 5-6).

9. Quoted in "Prólogo," Glosando los pensamientos de José Martí (Havana: n.p., 1941).

10. First published in América Libre (Havana), 1 (April 1927): 1.

11. Glosando, 12.

12. Ibid., 14.

13. Anuario del Centro de Estudios Martianos 1 (1978): 13-14.

14. Ibid., 17-18.

15. Anuario del Centro de Estudios Martianos 7 (1984): 217, 219.

16. Ibid., 333.

17. Martí, "Sobre mi hombro," Ismaelillo, 16:42.

18. In the dramatic poem Abdala which he composed at age sixteen, Martí wrote: "El amor, madre, a la patria . . . / es el odio invencible a quien la oprime, / es el rencor eterno a quien la ataca" ("Mother . . . the love one feels for the homeland, / Is an invincible hatred for those who oppress her / Is an eternal rancor for those who attack her," 18:19). Fernández Retamar remarks, "What is seen here so starkly in these verses is much more than just a play on words . . . that belligerent love is dialectically formed by hate and rancor" (Martí [Montevideo: Biblioteca de Marcha, 1970], 49).

Using such a rationale, it is possible even to link Martí to the theory of hate propounded by Ernesto Guevara, who months before his death proclaimed, "El odio, como factor de lucha; el odio intransigente al enemigo, que impulsa más allá de las limitaciones naturales al ser humano y lo convierte en una efectiva, violenta, selectiva y fría máquina de matar" ("Hatred as a factor in the struggle; the intransigent hatred for the enemy, pushes the human being beyond his natural limitations and transforms him into an effective, violent, selective, and cold killing machine," Ernesto Guevara, Obras, 1957-1967 [Havana: Casa de las Américas, 1970], 2:596).

But except for this peculiar phrase uttered by one of Martí's characters for dramatic effect, along with equally exaggerated romantic conventions, Martí's work is characterized by his rejection of hatred. A year after writing Abdala, Martí confessed in El Presidio político en Cuba: "Yo no puedo odiar a nadie . . . . Si yo odiara a alguien me odiaría por ello a mí mismo" ("I cannot hate anyone . . . . If I hated someone I would hate myself for it. To hate is to deprive oneself of rights," 1:45). And the year before his death, in a speech published in his newspaper Patria on March 7, 1894, Martí concluded, "No es de nuestro corazón cubano . . . convidar con la palabra baja a imprevisora, a la venganza y el odio: triste patria sería la que tuviese el odio por sostén!" ("It is not part of our Cuban heart . . . to invite with base and thoughtless words vengeance and hatred; it would be an unfortunate country indeed that had hate as a foundation," 4:321-22).

19. Other champions of totalitarian rule to receive this honor are Kim II Sung of North Korea; Anastas Mikoyan, Andrea Gromyko, and Nikolai Tihinov of the Soviet Union; Pham Van Dong and Le Duan of Vietnam; Ali Nasser Mohammed of North Yemen; Willi Stoph of the former East Germany, and Mengistu Haile Mariam of Ethiopia.

20. Granma, May 20, 1973.

21. Qtd. in Eugenio Betancourt Agramonte, Ignacio Agramonte y la revolución cubana (Havana: Dorrbecker, 1928), 13, 22.

22. Mary Cruz, El Mayor [Ignacio Agramonte] (Havana: Instituto Cubano del Libro, 1972), 44.

23. Fidel Castro, Cuba: de los derechos humanos [speech delivered September 17, 1987 (Havana: Editorial de Ciencias Sociales, 1990), 13.

24. Granma, "Suplemento Especial," April 23, 1991, 7.

25. Granma, October 19, 1991, 6.

26. Karl Marx and Friedrich Engels, The Communist Manifesto, ed. D. Ryazanoff (New York: International Publishers, 1930), 40.

27. International Herald (London), December 14, 1872, 37; in AMarx and Engels and the Concept of the Party," by Monty Johnstone, in Socialist Register 4 (1967): 121, 145. Before the Paris Commune, on February 13, 1871, Engels wrote to the Spanish Federal Council of the International: "Experience has shown everywhere that the best way to emancipate the workers from this domination of the old parties is to form in each country a proletarian party with a policy of its own, a policy quite distinct from that of the other parties" (ibid., 133).

28. V. 1. Lenin, Collected Works (London: Lawrence and Wishart, 1961), 5:430, 440, 452.

29. From Joseph Stalin, in The Foundations of Leninism, in A Documentary History of Communism, ed. Robert V. Daniels (Hanover and London: University Press of New England, 1984), 1:169. This concentration of power is the result of Lenin's distrust of the masses' ability to carry out the changes needed in Russian society. Lenin preferred, instead, to lead the masses "from without." Marx, however, fought the preponderance of a minority when Ferdinand Lassalle founded in 1863 the General Union of German Workers. This same centralism and distrust later motivated Adolf Hitler to found the National Socialist Workers' party. Hitler concluded that the party was not the weathervane of the masses, but its lord: "The young movement, according to its structure and its inner organization, is anti parliamentarian . . . it rejects a principle of a decision by the majority, by which the leader is degraded to the position of the executive of the will and the opinion of others" (Adolf Hitler, Mein Kampf [Boston: Houghton Mifflin, 1939], 478).

30. Joseph Stalin, Dialectical and Historical Materialism (New York: International Publishers, 1972), 20-21.

31. Party unity, so fervently defended in Cuba as of this writing, July 1992, was also highly praised by Stalin: "The existence of factions is incompatible either with the Party's unity or with its iron discipline. It need hardly be proved that the existence of factions leads to the existence of a number of centers, and the existence of centers connotes the absence of one common center in the Party, the breaking up of the unity of will, the weakening and disintegration of discipline, the weakening and disintegration of the dictatorship" (A Documentary History of Communism, 1:171). The inanity of the single-party system was well expressed by Aryeh L. Unger: "Democratic parties exist to organize the competition for political power. Totalitarian parties exist to organize a monopoly of political power"; and he goes on to explain the significance of the word "party" which is derived from the Latin partes and implies the existence of various parts; it is absurd, then, to speak of a "single party." Unger concludes with an enlightened quotation: "As one author puts it (B. D. Wolfe, Communist Totalitarianism (Boston, 1961], 266): 'Where there is only one party, all party life ceases, just as if there were only one sex, all sex life would cease'" (The Totalitarian State [London: Cambridge University Press, 1974], 4).

32. Martí. Obras Completas, 4:279.

33. This accusation must also be understood in the context of events unrelated to politics. Trujillo found cause to criticize Martí because, while married to the absent Carmen Zayas Bazán, he lived openly in New York with his lover, Carmita Miyares, widow of Manuel Mantilla. There had already been a problem between Martí and Trujillo on this score in 1887. (See Federico Perez Carbó, "José Martí-Enrique Trujillo," in El Archivo Nacional en la Conmemoración del Centenario del Natalicio de José Martí y Pérez. 1853-1953 (Havana: Archivo Nacional de Cuba, 1953], 673-76). After a five-year separation, Martí's wife showed up in New York with their son in June 1891. Arrangements had already been made to publish the Versos Sencillos (1892) in which Martí reproached his wife, while at the same time tenderly singing the praises of other women, including the one with whom he shared a contented family life. In August the Versos were published by Enrique Trujillo and a few days later, unknown to her husband and aided by Trujillo, Zayas Bazán returned with Martí's son to Cuba. Martí never forgave his friend's treachery, and by October, as Trujillo admits, "his relations with Senor Martí were not friendly" (Apuntes históricos; Propaganda y movimientos revolucionarios cubanos en los Estados Unidos desde enero de 1880 hasta febrero de 1895 [New York: Tipografía de "El Porvenir," 1896], 60-61). Shortly afterward, the Cuban Revolutionary party was founded in Florida, in January 1892, and by March Martí's newspaper, Patria, which would be a serious competitor to Trujillo's El Porvenir, was circulating among émigrés. It was then that Trujillo began to criticize the party, and by May, invoking patriotic motives, he had branded it a "civilian dictatorship" (ibid., 132), as he had other ideas of how to set up a revolutionary organization. In Key West, Juan Calderón had also devised an alternative plan but did not even offer it for consideration when he saw the unanimous approval given to Martí's projected "bylaws" of the party, which he had prepared in consultation with the highest leaders of Florida's émigré community (See Gerardo Castellanos G., "Raíces históricas del Partido Revolucionario Cubano," in Homenaje a Martí en el cincuentenario de la fundación del Partido Revolucionario Cubano [Havana: Municipio de la Habana, 1942], 23). Nor did Calderón attack Martí because he lacked enmity and envy. The final refutation of Trujillo is that of Puerto Rican patriot, Sotero Figueroa, an eyewitness to these events, who immediately upon its publication disarmed Trujillo's Apuntes, and who was one of the many who were always at Martí's side. He asked: "How can Trujillo say that the proceedings [leading up to the formation of the Cuban Revolutionary party] were inadequate, or that he fought against them because they were compulsive and authoritarian? Was he not free to attack these plans, and did he not in fact attack them while they were being debated in the revolutionary clubs to which he belonged? But -blessed be the unity which Trujillo decries!- he could find no man to vote with him or help him carry his cross of sins. His duty as a patriot was to respect the will of the majority, and lend a hand in the common work; but he did not do so. Instead, he declared himself a rebel, and using his newspaper [El Porvenir], which was but the instrument of his contemptuous personality, Trujillo, already disheartened, began dropping grains of sand in the inner workings of the revolution" (Sotero Figueroa, La doctrina de Martí [New York], Sept. 16, 1896, cited in Anuario Martiano 6 [1976]: 193-94).

34. The falsification of Martí began soon after his death. Disgusted with Cuba's independence, which frustrated his hopes of annexing the island to the United States, Rodriguez characterized Martí as "eminently socialist and anarchical," citing his words out of context and twisting their meaning to suit his ends. For example, in La República española ante la revolución cubana, Martí had written: "La lucha ha sido para Cuba muerte de sus hijos más queridos, pérdida de su prosperidad que maldecía porque era prosperidad esclava y deshonrada, porque el gobierno le permitía la riqueza a trueque de la infamia" ("The struggle [for independence] has meant the death of Cuba's most cherished sons, the loss of her property, which was damnable in her eyes because it was based on slavery and dishonor, for the Spanish government permitted Cuba to grow rich in exchange for dishonor"). And recalling the patriotism of those who rose against Spain in the Ten Years' War, he added, "Bendijeron los ricos cubanos su miseria, fecundose el campo de la lucha con la sangre de los mártires" ("Rich Cubans blessed their own misery, as the battlefields were drenched with the blood of martyrs," Obras Completas, 1:90). Wealthy Cubans, said Martí, did not regret the loss of their fortunes, and indeed blessed their own misery, for it meant the end of their country's dishonor. But when Rodriguez quoted the passage, he made the words appear to mean the opposite: "The prosperity of Cuba permitted wealth to exist, but at the cost of infamy. Rich Cubans, who were not conscious of the ills afflicting their country, blessed the misery that the war inflicted on it" (Estudio histórico sobre . . . la idea de la anexión de la Isla de Cuba a los Estados Unidos de América [Havana: Imprenta la Propaganda literaria, 1900], 284).

35. José Antonio Portuondo, Martí, escritor revolucionario (Havana: Editora Política, 1980), 289.

36. Martí, Obras Completas, 6:181.

37. Ibid., 4:259-63, 265.

38. Martí, "Las expediciones y la revolución," Patria, July 30, 1892, 2:93.

39. Martí, Obras Completas, 4:382.

40. Excluded, however, is the passage that follows that explains what Martí meant by "la dignidad plena del hombre," since it contradicts the spirit and even the letter of the 1976 Constitution: "O la república tiene por base el carácter entero de cada uno de sus hijos, el hábito de trabajar con sus manos y pensar por sí propio, el ejercicio íntegro de los demás; la pasión, en fin, por el decoro del hombre, -o la república no vale una lágrima de nuestras mujeres ni una sola gota de sangre de nuestros bravos" ("Either the republic is built on the character of each one of its children, on their habit of working with their hands and thinking for themselves, on the full exercise of their abilities and respect for the right of others fully to exercise theirs, as if it were a matter of family honor, on a passion, in short, for the dignity of man, or the republic is not worth a single tear from one of our women, a single drop of blood from one of our brave men," ibid., 4:270). In a letter yet to be collected in its entirety in the Obras Completas, Martí confides to his friend Serafín Bello that the phrase "for all and for the good of all" is his life's motto: "Nuestro deber es mucho. Seamos dignos de lo que de nosotros se espera. A acabar la obra del 10 de Octubre 'con todos, para el bien de todos.' -Ése es el lema de mi vida" ("Our duty is great. Let us be worthy of what awaits us -to complete the work of October l0th (1868) 'with all and for the of all.' This is the motto of my life," Patria: Cuaderno de la Cátedra Martiana 2 [1989], 96). In the amended constitution being prepared in July 1992, this quotation was again misused, but the falsification of Martí had increased: whereas before they were "guided by the victorious doctrine of Marxism-Leninism," they now claimed to be "guided by the ideology of José Martí and the political and social ideas of Marx, Engels, and Lenin"; and in Article V, the "Communist party of Cuba" was no longer defined as merely "Marxist-Leninist," but as "Martiano and Marxist-Leninist" (Asamblea Nacional del Poder Popular, Proyecto de modificaciones a la Constitución de la República [1992], 2, 5).

41. Martí, Obras Completas, 1:280, 281.

42. Martí, "Los pobres de la tierra," ibid., 3:303, 304. In the belief that the interests of the proletariat and the bourgeoisie were irreconciliable, Marx and Engels considered the class struggle as something inevitable, and, moreover, the very foundation of the working people's liberation movement. Lenin, for his part, in his analyses of "The Petite Bourgeoisie and Proletarian Socialism" (1905), affirmed that "outside the class struggle, socialism is either a hollow phrase or a naive dream" (Collected Works, 9:443). Martí, however, showed a great aversion to talk of "class," and nothing was so alien to him as the exploitation of the class struggle to achieve social justice. Shortly after founding his party, Martí wrote in Patria: "Enoja oír hablar de clases. Reconocer que existen es contribuir a ellas. Negarse a reconocerlo, es ayudar a destruirlas" ("It is annoying to hear talk of social classes. To recognize their existence is to contribute to them. To deny them that recognition is to help to destroy them." Obras Completas, 5:53); and a month later, when they started publishing in Key West a newspaper called El Proletario (The Proletarian), Martí warned his readers of the danger of inciting a class struggle, which he likened to a "serpent": "El tiempo no le alcanza [a Patria] ni le alcanzará jamás, para aumentar las discordias entre los hombres .... Se nos quemen los labios de estas palabras innecesarias de 'obreros' y de 'clase.'… . No hay campo, ni nuestro campo cubano siquiera, libre de la serpiente; pero es mucho el señorío natural del hijo de Cuba, y mucha ya la cultura del obrero de Cuba, nacido en ella o no, para que en un régimen de justicia se conviertan los que batallan por su libertad en azotes de la libertad ajena" ("Patria does not have the time, nor will it ever have the time, to increase discord among men .... Our lips burn when we utter those unnecessary words -'workers' and 'class.' There is no sphere, not even our own Cuban sphere, that is free of this serpent; but the children of Cuba possess enough natural dignity, and the Cuban worker whether born on the island or here has acquired enough culture, for there ever to exist the possibility that those who fight for their own freedom would ever become the scourge of another's freedom," "El obrero cubano," Obras Completas, 2:52).

43. Except for the twenty years separating Aldama's society from Martí's party, and the fact that the earlier organization was founded in the midst of war while Martí's sought to bring the war again to Cuba, it is not difficult to discover the imprint of the first on the Cuban Revolutionary party. Anyone acquainted with Martí's "Bases" and "Reglamentos" will recognize their close relationship with Aldama's 'Code' and Bylaws, which state that the society "se subdivirá en agrupaciones o clubs en cada una de las localidades donde haya suficiente número de afiliados. Las asociaciones cubanas que hoy existan podrán incorporarse en 'La Auxiliadora de Cuba' si así lo acuerdan conservando o no su denominación y su reglamento .... El Consejo General nombará una Comisión Ejecutiva [la cual] tendrá plenos poderes para despachar todos los negocios relacionados con ‘La Auxiliadora.' . . . Para llenar su objeto de auxiliar a la independencia de Cuba, se ocupará la Sociedad: en fomentar la unión y la armonía entre todos los cubanos; en trabajar para que todos contribuyan, según sus medios, a la obra común; en hacer que la influencia de esta asociación alcance a todos los cubanos y a los de cualquier nacionalidad que simpaticen con la causa de Cuba .... Son atribuciones y deberes del Consejo General: tratar de crear fondos y recursos por todos los medios lícitos y patrióticos que estén a su alcance . . . [y] remover por unanimidad de votos a la comisión ejecutiva o a cualquiera de sus miembros que no llene los deberes de su encargo .... El presidente . . . tendrá la representación de la Sociedad, junto con sus dos asociados, en todos los asuntos que con ella se relacionen . . . . Habrá un Secretario y un Tesorero de la Sociedad" ("[will be] composed of groups or clubs which will be organized in all localities where there are sufficient members to sustain it. Existing Cuban associations may join it if they choose, and may keep their old names and rules or adopt new ones .... There will be a General Council composed of delegates and representatives from the local subdivisions . . . . The General Council will appoint an Executive Committee with full powers to deal with all matters related to the organization .... To fulfill its objective of aiding in achieving the independence of Cuba, the organization will promote unity and harmony among all Cubans; and work so that all will contribute, according to their means, to the common undertaking .... The General Council is entrusted with the following powers and duties: to endeavor to amass funds and resources by all legal and patriotic means within their reach . . . [and] to remove by unanimous vote the Executive Committee or any member thereof who does not fulfill the duties of his office .... The president . . . will represent the organization, along with two associates, in matters pertaining to it . . . . The organization will also have a secretary and a treasurer." Bases y reglamento de la Auxiliadora de la lndependencia de Cuba [New York, 1871], 7-8, 13-15). Apart from the merits of the Cuban Auxiliary Society, Martí must also have been attracted to its organizational plan and followed it as far as possible because it was founded by émigrés who would later become his friends or collaborators, including the soldier Félix Fuentes and the teacher Hilario Cisneros; by persons he admired and who could assist him in his revolutionary efforts, such as the writer Rafael Maria Merchán; and by the families of influential émigrés, such as Arnao, Bellido de Luna, and Mayorga, among others.

44. As his biographer Enrique Piñeyro relates, Morales Lemus, who represented the Cuban insurrectionists, was asked to sign a document as the "authorized agent of the revolutionary party of the Island of Cuba" (Morales Lemus y la revolución cubana [New York: M. M. Zarzamendi, 1871], 98). Martí not only knew Piñeyro, but the famous biography of Morales Lemus was brought out, coincidentally, the same year and by the same publisher responsible for Aldama's pamphlet (see n. 43).

45. Documentos para servir a la historia de la Guerra Chiquita (Archivo Leandro Rodríguez) (Havana: Archivo Nacional de Cuba, 1949), 1:44.

46. Ibid., 59.

47. The Gómez "Programa" states in Article I, "Sin perjuicio de que existan y aunque se robustezcan en su vida política y sigan funcionando con actividad revolucionaria todos los clubs y comités establecidos . . . deberá establecerse, a mi juicio, muy conveniente, una Junta Gubernativa, que servirá de gran centro para construir la verdadera unidad de acción, sin la cual todos los esfuerzos serían, si no estériles, por lo menos deficientes para imprimir carácter, vigor y fuerza a la revolución armada." Article 11 states: "La Junta podrán componerla cinco individuos escogidos por su respetabilidad e inmaculados antecedentes políticos, sirviendo la misma Junta Gubernativa posiblemente de base para 1a futura organización de un gobierno provisional en Cuba, cuando las circunstancias lo indiquen." And Article III states: "La Junta será el gran centro con quien deberá entenderse el jefe superior a quien se le confíe la dirección de la guerra y mando en jefe del ejecutivo; al cual quedarán subordinados todos los demás centros revolucionarios en la acción auxiliar a la patria" ("Without prejudice to established clubs and committees whose right to exist, engage in revolutionary activity, and even participate more aggressively in politics is recognized . . .,there should be established in my opinion, a Governing Junta, the focal point which will help us achieve true unity of action, without which all efforts would be, if not sterile, then at least incapable of endowing the armed struggle with the character, vigor and force which are vital to its success." Article II states: "The Governing Junta could be composed of five individuals chosen because of their respectability and immaculate political past, and this Junta might possibly serve as the basis for the future organization of a provisional government in Cuba, as the circumstances indicated." And Article III states: "The Junta would be the focal point with which the supreme military commander and chief executive entrusted with the conduct of the war would deal; and to which would be subordinate all revolutionary centers joined in action on behalf of the fatherland," in Ramón Infiesta, Máximo Gómez [Havana: Imprenta "El Siglo XX," 1937], 221-22).

48. The letter is addressed to José A. Rodriguez and dated November 1, 1886. In it Maceo goes on to say, "I would desire for my country a man with the virtue to redeem the Cuban people from Spanish sovereignty, but who would not tyrannize those he has redeemed . . . . I believe we must reorganize in order to find the means to realize our revolutionary enterprise; and the most respectful and effective way -as well as the most civilized and disciplined, practical, and opportune- is to create a party whose official representatives would be elected in a popular vote by all who would adhere to the Party of Independence" (Antonio Maceo, Ideología política [Havana: Sociedad Cubana de Estudios Históricos a Interacionales, 1950], 1:357).

49. Martí, Obras Completas, 1:213, 214. See also the letter Martí wrote about this meeting to Generals Máximo Gómez, Antonio Maceo, and Rafael Rodriguez, in ibid., 1:216; Papeles de Maceo (Havana: Imprenta "El Siglo XX," 1948), 2:140; and Boletín del Archivo Nacional 44-45 (1945-1946), 100.

50. José Rivero Muñiz, "Los cubanos en Tampa," Revista Bimestre Cubana 74 (1958): 55.

51. Martí, "La crisis y el Partido Revolucionario Cubano," Patria, Aug. 19, 1893, Obras Completas, 2:369. For that very reason Martí was able to assert the previous year that "de la obra de doce años, callada e incesante, salió, saneado por las pruebas, el Partido Revolucionario Cubano" and that it was "el fruto visible de la prudencia y justicia de la labor de doce años" ("from the quiet and incessant work of twelve years was born, all the healthier from such a trial, the Cuban Revolutionary party. It is the visible fruit of the prudence and justice nurtured over twelve years," "El Partido Revolucionario Cubano," Patria, Apr. 3, 1892, ibid., 1:369).

52. Martí, Ibid., 1:291-92.

53. Martí, "Al Presidente del club 'José Martí Heredia''"   [Kingston], ibid., 1:458.

54. Martí, "El Partido," ibid., 2:35.

55. Martí, "La Confirmación," Patria, Apr. 23, 1892, ibid. 1:413.

56. Martí, "El Delegado en Nueva York," ibid., 2:174.

57. Martí, "El Partido Revolucionario Cubano a Cuba," Patria, ibid., 2:341, 342.

58. Martí, "El tercer año del Partido Revolucionario Cubano," ibid., 3:141. After Martí's death, the Cuban Revolutionary party claimed to preserve the spirit and goals of its founder. The front page of Patria's penultimate issue, Dec. 21, 1898, after the war's end, presented a circular signed by Tomás Estrada Palma that read: "Martí prepared the admirable organization which he called the Cuban Revolutionary party . . . . Founded on a broad base, and animated by an exalted spirit of conciliation, the party welcomed all Cubans who wanted to work within the organization established for the common task of achieving the independence of the fatherland. And it was a most beautiful spectacle to behold and one which has much to teach the future: to see in close union and equal in the exercise of their rights, under the rules and dispositions adopted as the Constitution of the Party, the black and white Cuban, the rich and poor, the worker and the proprietor, the humble man of the people and the man of science and letters, all cooperating toward the same end according to their moral, physical, and intellectual aptitudes and their financial means .... Cuba has ceased to be Spanish. Cuba is independent. The Cuban Revolutionary party, therefore, has concluded the work which it undertook . . . its republican habits and practices show that rights also entail duties, that liberty demands a succession of virtues so that the exercise of power does not fall prey to passions, for democratic institutions, while consecrating as inviolate and indispensable the rights of man, demand also absolute submission to the will of the majority, obedience for the law and constituted authority, respect for the rights of others, and the strict obligation of not turning any of the manifestations of liberty into license."

59. Martí's familiarity with Karl Marx dates from at least 1883 when he mentioned his death in Buenos Aires' La Nación. Determined to present Martí as someone who was sympathetic to Marxism, two or three favorable phrases which Martí said about the "silken-souled German with an iron hand" are taken out of context and constantly repeated in Cuba: "Karl Marx ha muerto. Como se puso del lado de los débiles, merece honor . . . . Karl Marx estudió los modos de asentar al mundo sobre bases nuevas, y despertó a los dormidos, y les enseñó el modo de echar a tierra los puntales rotos . . . . Hombre comido del ansia de hacer el bien, él veía en todo lo que en sí propio llevaba: rebeldía, camino a to alto, lucha" ("Karl Marx is dead. Since he placed himself on the side of the weak he deserves to be honored for it . . . . Karl Marx studied how to put the world on a new foundation, and he awakened the sleeping and showed them how to topple to earth the broken props . . . . A man consumed by a desire to do good deeds, he saw in everyone what he carried within himself . . . rebelliousness, the upward path, struggle").

But these comments must be judged in light of what Martí said against Marx and his ideas: Martí also referred to workers who were "fanatics of love," with whom he sympathized; and others who were "fanatics of hate," whom he repudiated because "the future is to be won with clean hands." And he added in the same vein: "Más cauto fuera el trabajador en los Estados Unidos si no le vertieran en el oído sus heces de odio los más apenados y coléricos de Europa . . . . En los de acá, el buen sentido y el haber nacido en cuna libre, dificulta el paso de la cólera" ("The American worker would be more cautious if the most distressed and angry among the workers from Europe did not fill his ear with the dregs of their hate . . . . Workers [in the United States], because of their common sense, and the fact that they were born in free cradles, are difficult to lead to anger").

Against Marx specifically he said: "No hace bien el que señala el daño y arde en ansias generosas de ponerle remedio, sino el que enseña remedio blando al daño. Espanta la tarea de echar los hombres sobre los hombres .... No son estos hombres impacientes y generosos manchados de ira, los que han de poner cimiento al mundo nuevo" ("He who points to a danger and consumes himself in generous hopes of remedying it does no good at all. Only the one who teaches a benign solution really improves the lot of humanity. It is a horrifying endeavor to pit man against man . . . . These impatient and generous men, stained with rage, are not the ones called to lay the foundations for a new world," Martí, "Suma de sucesos," Obras Completas, 13:245; 9:387-88). This article of thirteen pages also covers other miscellaneous subjects and is diminished by comparison with the panegyric to Marx written by the jingoist and imperialist Charles A. Dana (Dana and the Sun [New York: Dodd, Mead, 1938], 361-62).